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Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on 23 August 2008

bugunku new york times dan
Kurdlerle ilgili kitap tanimi baglaminda aktuel bir makale daha

ilginc iddalar var.
su an tercume icin vaktim yok.
oldukca sadece ilginc bolumleri yaparim

buyrun

By MICHAEL GOLDFARB
Published: August 22, 2008
Sooner or later most foreign correspondents find themselves sent to Kurdistan. This fact has been true for many decades, a testimony to the Kurds' chronic, newsworthy troubles. The journalists assigned there discover that the land and its people get under their skin in a way other places don't.

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INVISIBLE NATION

How the Kurds' Quest for Statehood Is Shaping Iraq and the Middle East

By Quil Lawrence

Illustrated. 366 pp. Walker & Company. $25.95

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Times Topics: KurdsThe reasons for all this are varied. There is the historic injustice at the heart of the Kurdish story: as the world's largest ethnic group without a country of their own, they have suffered everything from cultural and economic oppression to genocide. Then, in a region where Western reporters are not liked very much, Kurds are exceptionally friendly. Finally, there is the raw physical beauty of Kurdistan.

Early in “Invisible Nation,“ Quil Lawrence, who has spent much of this decade reporting from Iraq for the BBC/PRI radio program “The World,“ confesses to the power Kurdistan holds on him. The Kurds have clearly worked on his heart, and it shows in the way he tells the story of a people who have made themselves central not just to American plans in Iraq but also in the wider Middle East.

For any author, writing a history of the Kurds presents a challenge, because the Kurdish story has more switchbacks than a shepherd's trail into the mountains. It is filled with alliances, betrayals, unlikely political marriages of convenience, bloody shotgun divorces. This book pretty much tells the reader all of them. But it is structured around the Kurds' relationship with the United States — a relationship with as many twists and turns as the rest, and with the same bloody consequences.

Lawrence goes back to the early 1970s, when Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger's realpolitik defined America's approach to the world. The great Iraqi Kurdish rebel leader Mustafa Barzani put his people forward to Washington as willing players between Iran's shah and Iraq's Saddam Hussein. But the Kurds never rose above the level of pawns in this game, and when Iran and Iraq reached a rapprochement, America abandoned them to Hussein's not-so-tender mercies.

Lawrence then takes the reader on the bumpy, bloody road leading to the astonishing situation today: a Kurd, Jalal Talabani, is the president of Iraq, and Mustafa Barzani's son Massoud Barzani is president of a Kurdish region that enjoys extraordinary autonomy and wealth. That autonomy has the Kurds' neighbors, Iran and especially Turkey — which has long been fighting with a Kurdish separatist group, the Kurdistan Workers' Party, or P.K.K. — militarily concerned. The Turkish Air Force has attacked P.K.K. bases in northern Iraq several times recently, and there are regular reports of Iran shelling its own Kurdish separatist movement's hideouts inside Iraq.

Kurdish wealth, meanwhile, may prove to be illusory. It is based on the Kurds' controlling the area around the north's oil capital, Kirkuk. Barzani calls Kirkuk the Kurdish Jerusalem, but the city today is a complex and volatile mix of Arabs and Turkmens (ethnic Turks), as well as Kurds. Sporadic violence in the city frequently goes unreported, unless the death toll rises into double digits, because few Western news organizations can afford to cover the place. A final political resolution of the Kirkuk situation was supposed to be reached last year. It wasn't. The risk of igniting ethnic civil war just when Iraq was coming to grips with its sectarian fighting was too great. Recently it was announced that there would be no vote until next year.

This is a journalist's book, long on double-sourced facts and interesting quotations. But Lawrence, whose experience gives him genuine authority on Kurdistan, could have provided more original analysis of the questions that gnaw at the reader. Why in this new era do the Kurds continue to tolerate the corruption and nepotism associated with their leaders? How long will it continue? What does it mean for building true democracy there? Lawrence might also have speculated on the almost irrational hatred of Turks toward Kurds, a powerful negative force in the region.

In the penultimate chapter, Lawrence returns to the theme of American fidelity to the Kurds. He asks Hoshyar Darbandi, a Kurd who has recently returned home from a comfortable exile in Sweden, if he fears Turkish or Arab interference in Kurdistan. No, Darbandi tells him. “It's promises from the U.S. that scare me.“

Darbandi's fears are justified. Emanations from some conservative Washington research groups indicate the Bush administration is changing its attitude toward the Kurds. The question is being asked, Are the Kurds good allies? The answers suggest the administration is starting to think no, they are not. What Quil Lawrence's book teaches us is that when the American endgame in Iraq starts to play out, the Kurds will be stuck in the middle of the changes. And another generation of foreign correspondents will have the sad opportunity to report from and fall in love with the place.

Michael Goldfarb is the author of “Ahmad's War, Ahmad's Peace: Surviving Under Saddam, Dying in the New Iraq.“

Anonymous (not verified)

Sat, 08/23/2008 - 13:32

Eger zahmetli degilse bize bu aktarilarinizin bir direkt linkini de verebilir misiniz? Ozellile bu en son aktardiginiz yukaridaki yazninin/kitabin linkini aktarablirseniz, simdiden tesekkurler! Medeni

نەناسراو (not verified)

Sat, 08/23/2008 - 13:39

In reply to by Anonymous (not verified)

[b]Invisible Nation: How the Kurds' Quest for Statehood Is Shaping Iraq and the Middle East[/b] [b]Quil Lawrence [/b] [center][img]http://www.cceia.org/layout_images/logo.gif[/img][/center] Tuesday, April 22, 2008 Quil Lawrence tells the story of the Kurds, the only Iraqi ethnic group that want the Americans to stay. Divided among Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria and numbering 25 million, the Kurds are the largest ethnic group without their own nation. Related Resources: Invisible Nation: How the Kurds' Quest for Statehood Is Shaping Iraq and the Middle East (Audios) Invisible Nation: How the Kurds' Quest for Statehood Is Shaping Iraq and the Middle East (Transcripts) CARNEGIE CONSUL The Voice for Ethnics: http://www.cceia.org/resources/video/data/000053

Anonymous (not verified)

Sun, 08/24/2008 - 12:46

Selamlar HeK, Tesekkuler verdigin link icin. Sen de olmasan gozumden kacacakmis bu. Tembelligimden oturu, okumaktansa video'yu izleyip dinlemeyi tercih ettim. Bilgi acidan yazardan cok etkilendigimi soylersem yanlis olur. Ama sonucta zaten adamcagiz da Kurdistan'a gidene kadar Kurdler hakkinda cok sey bilmedigini itiraf ediyor. Sorulara verdigi cevaplar da zaten cok uzman olmayisinin cekingenligini hissediyorsun. En azindan ben oyle hissettim. Yazar ilk olarak Irak savasinin en buyuk basarisinin Kurdistan oldugunu belirttikten sonra, Bush yonetiminin Kurdistan cok basarili olur da Irak icinde kalmaz diye korkusundan Kurdistan'in basarilarini lanse etmedigini, yoksa Kurdistan'in ABD'nin Irak icin dusundugu her seyi basardigini soyledi. Ustelik bagimsiz Kurdistan'in 1948 Israilin kurulmasindan sonraki en buyuk ortak tepkiyi yaratacagini soylemesi de dogru bir tespitti. Yazarin Kurdistan'i ’tam demokrasi degil' ama o yolda ilerleyen olarak gostermesi cok hosuma gitti. Yazarin gerek baba Bush gerekse ogul Bush'un aslinda bugunku Kurdistan'i amaclamadiklarini, bugunku Kurdistan'in kazayla olustugu gorusune katilmadim. Ona gore ABD aslinda hic bir seyi planlamis, ve Kurdistan kazayla olusmus. Bir zamanlar tercumesini de yaptigim CIA raporlari bunun tam aksini soyluyordu. O raporlar cok net olarak koyuyordu hangi kosullarin nelere yol acacagini, Kurdleri nelere itecegini. O yuzden Kurdistan'in kazayla olustugu fikri bana pek mantikli gelmedi. Halbuki ABD'nin Kurdlerin ozellikle zaaflarini cok iyi bildigini dusunerek, kendi kendilerini yonetmeyi, kendi cikarlari icin birlik olmalari icin boyle bir gecis doneminin gecerli oldugunu bildigi gercegi bana daha mantikli geliyor. Ustelik Barzani ve Talabani birbiriyle savasirken ABD'li politikacilarin ’biz onlara devlet olma sansi veriyoruz, onlarin yaptiklarina bak' tarzindaki soylemlerini hatirlayinca ben kendimi daha hakli goruyorum bu konuda. Anlattigi hikayelerin cok sevimli oldugunu soylemeliyim. Ozellikle 12-15 yasindaki Kurd cocuklarinin, Ingilizlerin I. dunya savasindan sonra Kurdlerin bagimsizligini engellemelerini ve Henry Kissenger'in 1975'deki ihanetini unutmayacaklarini soylemeleri cok sempatikdi. Bir ABD'li askerin Kurdistan'in guzelligi karsindan ’burada yasasaydin senin olsun istemez miydin?“ diye sormasi karsisinda yazarin ABD'li askeri Kurdlerle ’ayni dilden konustugunu' belirtmesi de cok sevimliydi. Yazarin aktardigina gore Necirvan Barzani Mr. Bremer icin “Herkes Mr. Beremer'den nefret ediyor ama ben bayiliyorum kendisine. Mr. Bremer olmasaydi Irak bugunku durumda olmazdi daha iyi durumda olurdu“ sozlerine karsilik yazar “Kurdler tam olarak ne istediklerini bilmiyorlar“ yorumunu yapti. Bence tam tersiydi dogru olan. Gerci yazar da sonradan bir cok Kurdun Irakin geri kalan kisminin ic savas icine dusmesinden memnunluk duyacagini aktardi ki bu da benim hakli oldugu gosteriyor. Daha sonra sorular kismina gecildi. Ilk soru guneyin, yabanci firmalarla yaptigi petrol antlasmalari ile ilgiliydi. Yazar yapilan antlasmalarin gecerli olup olmadigi uzerine bir soruyu cevaplarken, Kurdlerin yaninda bu tarz kanunlarin anayasa ile ilgili uyumu uzerine calisan bir cok uluslararasi ’danismanlarin' calistigini soyledi. Dogrusu bundan duydugum memnuniyeti gizlemeyecegim. Guneyde var olan devletlesmenin sozde degil ozde oldugunun en iyi gostergesi bu bence. Bir baska soru karsiliginda Kurdlerin ABD yakin olmak istedigini, Bagdat'a pesmerge gondererek savas tekniklerini daha iyi ogrendiklerini, her onlerine cikan firsatta hem kendi otonomilerine sarilirken ayni zamanda merkezi hukumette de guclu olmaya calistiklarini ve bunu da bilincli olarak yaptiklarini dusundugunu soyledi. Bunlar hep olumlu gelismeler, ozellikle disaridan birinin gozlemi olarak duymak daha da guzel. Yazarin, ne zaman PKK'lileri ziyaret etse, Irakli Kurd soforunun gidip onlari kocaman, sevgiyle kucakladigini soylemesi de cok sevimliydi. Ama ayni zamanda yazarin PKK“yi kaybolmus goruntusunden bahsetmesi de oldukca ilgincti. Elin adami bile anlamis durumu bir de bizim Kurdlerimiz anlasa. Yazarin bir soru uzerine Irak tamamen kaos icine duserse, diger dis guclerin Kurdleri birbirine dusurme planlarinin bu sefer isleyecegini pek dusunmedigini, Kurdlerin gecmisten ders aldiklarini dusundugu soylemesi bana gore en can alici noktaydi. Yazar Kurdlerin eskiye gore bugun daha birbirlerine daha tutkun oldugunu soyluyor ve artik bu oyuna gelmeyeceklerini dusunuyordu. Zaten Kurdlerin kaderini belirleyecek olan da bu bilince ulasip ulasmadiklari aslinda. Yazarin anlattigi bir olay bana guneyin bir uygulamasini bizim nasil gormemezlikten geldigimizi gosterdi. Yazar Irak Kurdistan'in hangi ulkeden gelirse gelsin Kurdlere bedava egitim sagladiklarini, bu egitimi alan Iran'li Kurdlerle konustugunu ve onlara ne yaptiklarini sordugunda, “burada egitim aliyorum geri donup hukumeti devirecegim“ dediklerini anlatti. Aslinda bu kadar onemli bir uygulamayi sahsen ben ne kadar cok es gectigimi farkettim. Kurdlerin kendilerini dinle tanimlamadiklarini, Islam dinini digerleri gibi yasamadiklarini, Kurdistan'da kapanmayan kadinlarin oldugunu soylemesi de olumluydu. Kurdlerin modernleserek diger bolge uluslarindan farklilasmasinin ne kadar onemli oldugunu bir daha hatirlamis oldum. Cok ilginctir Kerkuk konusunda hic soru gelmedi yazara. O yuzden bu konuda ne dusunuyor bilemiyorum. Fakat yazar bende Kurdlere karsi sempati duyan biriymis gibi bir izlenim birakti, kitabini okumak da fayda var. Hanife

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